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Sarkozy’s Fall: How a French Ex-Convict Became the World’s Newest Tourist Attraction

PARIS—Somewhere between the foie-gras-scented corridors of the Palais de l’Élysée and the slightly less fragrant holding cells of the Palais de Justice, Nicolas Sarkozy has completed his improbable metamorphosis: from hyperactive “bling-bling” president to convicted felon with an ankle bracelet aesthetic. The French Supreme Court last week upheld his three-year sentence—one year custodial, two suspended—for corruption and influence-peddling, making Sarkozy the first former head of state in the Fifth Republic to face actual hard time since, well, ever. Global headlines feigned shock; Parisians merely shrugged and ordered another espresso. After all, in a year when former leaders from South Africa to Peru have had to swap bespoke suits for prison-issue slippers, Sarkozy’s fall is less national tragedy than inevitable entry in the world’s autocratic loyalty-card program: “Buy twelve populist maneuvers, get the thirteenth stamped in the Big House.”

International observers love a French scandal the way they love a properly aged Camembert: pungent, complex, and best enjoyed from a safe distance. Yet the verdict lands at a moment when the very concept of post-presidential immunity is being stress-tested from Pretoria to Brasília. Jacob Zuma’s contempt-of-court rap, Alberto Fujimori’s oxygen-tank perp walks, Israel’s endless Netanyahu noir series—each episode confirms a bleakly comic truth: the higher the office, the more creative the accounting. Sarkozy merely joins the streaming queue, a Gallic flavor in Netflix’s ever-expanding “Strongmen Gone Soft” catalogue.

What makes the Sarkozy saga globally instructive is its textbook demonstration of how modern graft has gone multinational. Prosecutors detailed how the ex-president offered a cozy Monaco judgeship to a magistrate in exchange for insider information on yet another probe—this one involving illegal campaign financing from, of course, Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi. The late colonel’s euros allegedly arrived in suitcases so overstuffed they could have doubled as ballistic missiles, proving that even in geopolitics, cash remains the only luggage that never gets lost. Add in the Bettencourt affair, the Bygmalion invoices, and the Qatar World Cup lobbying rumors, and Sarkozy’s résumé starts to read like a Lonely Planet guide to moral flexibility.

Yet the broader punchline is on us, the international audience. Western democracies have spent decades lecturing the Global South on “institutional maturity,” shipping PowerPoints on transparency while French presidents vacationed on billionaire yachts and British premiers auctioned off sofa time to Saudi princes. Sarkozy’s conviction does not so much exonerate the system as offer a belated receipt: democracy’s extended warranty finally honored, though the shipping costs were astronomical and the delivery time grotesque. Emerging economies watching from Jakarta or Nairobi can be forgiven a certain schadenfreude; it turns out the rule of law merely takes longer when the crooks have better tailors.

Market reactions were predictably Gallic: a collective Gallic shrug. The CAC 40 dipped 0.3 %, then recovered after traders remembered that French political scandals are priced in like bad weather. More telling was the silence from Berlin and Washington, where leaders privately calculate whether their own post-tenure legal exposure is merely deferred or diplomatically immunized. The EU’s new anti-corruption directive—named, with no apparent irony, the “Sarkozy Clause” by Brussels wags—now awaits ratification. Expect it to arrive alongside similarly robust pledges on tax harmonization and climate action, i.e., sometime after the heat death of the universe.

Meanwhile, Sarkozy himself, 68, has vowed to take his case to the European Court of Human Rights, which is a bit like appealing a speeding ticket to the International Olympic Committee: technically possible, existentially absurd. His memoir-in-progress, rumored to be titled “Presumed Innocent, Definitely Exhausted,” will no doubt top bestseller lists in countries where elites still confuse impunity with charisma. Publishers from New York to New Delhi are already bidding, because nothing sells like contrition wrapped in cashmere.

In the end, the Sarkozy episode offers the planet a rare moment of synchronized cynicism: the French discover that even Napoleon complexes have expiry dates; the rest of us learn that schadenfreude, like champagne, travels remarkably well. As climate refugees surge and AI prepares to automate the presidency altogether, Sarkozy’s fate feels almost quaint—an artisanal scandal from an era when corruption still required human fingerprints. Drink up, mes amis: the next round of self-inflicted political calamities will be served algorithmically, with a side of blockchain receipts. Until then, à la santé—or at least to better ankle-bracelet couture.

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